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在过去的几个月里，我一直在收集关于美国州立法机构正在推动的“年龄验证”法案的公共记录。这些记录包括 IRS 990 文件、参议院游说披露、州道德数据库、竞选财务记录、公司注册信息、WHOIS 查询以及 Wayback Machine 存档。最初，我只是好奇是谁在推动这些法案，但后来我开始记录一个有组织的游说活动，从隐私角度来看，该活动正在操作系统层面构建监控基础设施，而其背后的公司却无需为其自己的平台承担新的要求。 **一个在法律上不存在的倡导团体** 数字童年联盟（DCA）自称是由 50 多个保守的儿童安全组织组成的联盟（后来膨胀到 140 多个，但只有 6 个被公开点名）。它一直在各州作证支持这些法案。以下是公共记录显示其法律地位的情况： DCA 的域名于 2024 年 12 月 18 日通过 GoDaddy 注册，并启用了隐私保护，注册期限为四年。一天后，该网站就上线并完全成型：专业设计、统计数据、来自传统基金会和 NCOSE 员工的推荐信、ASAA 讨论要点已经加载完毕。这并非草根启动，而是一个预先构建好的网站的部署。77 天后，犹他州 SB-142 法案成为该国签署的第一部 ASAA 法律。 DCA 通过 For Good（前身为 Network for Good，EIN 68-0480736）处理捐款，这是一个捐赠者建议基金。For Good 在其文件中明确声明，它服务于“501(c)(3) 非营利组织”。DCA 声称拥有 501(c)(4) 的地位。DCA 在 For Good 系统中被归类为“项目”（ID 258136），而不是一个独立的非营利组织。我搜索了 For Good 五年来所有的 59,736 个赠款接收者，大约 17.3 亿美元的支出。没有一笔赠款给 DCA、DCI、NCOSE 或任何相关实体。捐款页面似乎只是摆设。彭博社记者在 2025 年 7 月曝光了 Meta 是 DCA 的资助者。《Deseret News》在 2025 年 12 月详细介绍了这一安排。该网站的任何版本，包括 100 多个 Wayback Machine 快照，都从未披露过资金来源。每一篇博文和证词都针对苹果和谷歌。Meta 从未被提及或批评。执行董事 Casey Stefanski 在 NCOSE 担任全球合作高级总监长达 10 年。不寻常的是，她从未出现在任何 NCOSE 990 文件中，无论是作为官员、关键员工，还是在前五名最高薪酬员工之列。在一个 540 万美元的组织中担任高级总监十年，却从未出现在 990 文件中，这表明要么薪酬低于门槛，要么头衔被夸大，或者与此安排有关的其他问题。 NCOSE 自身的 501(c)(4) 结构变得复杂。追踪四年的 Schedule R 文件显示，NCOSE 在 2021 年创建了“NCOSE 行动”（EIN 86-2458921）作为 c4，在 2022 年将其从 c4 重新分类为 c3，然后在 2023 年创建了一个全新的 c4，名为“公共政策研究所”（EIN 88-1180705），拥有相同的地址和相同的首席官员（Marcel van der Watt）。到 2024 年，原始实体已完全从 Schedule R 中消失。 **7000 万美元以上的超级政治行动委员会，故意分散** Meta 向州级超级政治行动委员会投入了超过 7000 万美元，并对每一个都进行了结构设计，以避免联邦选举委员会（FEC）的集中可搜索数据库：如果您维护的软件可以被定义为这些定义下的“操作系统提供商”，请开始…… 完整的数据集、OSINT 任务列表以及所有已处理的发现结果均已发布，并在每个文件中嵌入了来源：github.com/upper-up/meta-lobbying-and-other-findings

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Over the past several months I've been pulling public records on the wave of "age verification" bills moving through US state legislatures. IRS 990 filings, Senate lobbying disclosures, state ethics databases, campaign finance records, corporate registries, WHOIS lookups, Wayback Machine archives. What started as curiosity about who was pushing these bills turned into documenting a coordinated influence operation that, from a privacy standpoint, is building surveillance infrastructure at the operating system level while the company behind it faces zero new requirements for its own platforms.The advocacy group that doesn't legally exist The Digital Childhood Alliance presents itself as a coalition of 50+ conservative child safety organizations (later inflated to 140+, though only six have ever been publicly named). It has been testifying in favor of these bills across states. Here is what public records show about its legal status:DCA's domain was registered December 18, 2024 through GoDaddy with privacy protection and a four-year registration. The website was live and fully formed one day later: professional design, statistics, testimonials from Heritage Foundation and NCOSE staff, ASAA talking points already loaded. This is not a grassroots launch. This is a staging deployment of a pre-built site. 77 days later, Utah SB-142 became the first ASAA law signed in the country.DCA processes donations through For Good (formerly Network for Good, EIN 68-0480736), which is a Donor Advised Fund. For Good explicitly states in its documentation that it serves "501(c)(3) nonprofit organizations." DCA claims 501(c)(4) status. DCA is classified as a "Project" (ID 258136) in the For Good system, not as a standalone nonprofit. I searched all 59,736 For Good grant recipients across five years, roughly $1.73 billion in disbursements. Zero grants to DCA, DCI, NCOSE, or any related entity. The donation page appears to be cosmetic.Bloomberg reporters exposed Meta as a DCA funder in July 2025. The Deseret News detailed the arrangement in December 2025. No version of the website, across 100+ Wayback Machine snapshots, has ever disclosed funding sources. Every blog post and testimony targets Apple and Google. Meta is never mentioned or criticized.Casey Stefanski, Executive Director, spent 10 years at NCOSE as Senior Director of Global Partnerships. Unusually, she never appears on any NCOSE 990 filing as an officer, key employee, or among the five highest-compensated staff. A senior director title at a $5.4M organization for a decade with no 990 appearance suggests either below-threshold compensation, an inflated title, or something else about the arrangement.NCOSE's own 501(c)(4) structure turns out to be complicated. Tracing Schedule R filings across four years reveals that NCOSE created "NCOSE Action" (EIN 86-2458921) as a c4 in 2021, reclassified it from c4 to c3 in 2022, then created an entirely new c4 called "Institute for Public Policy" (EIN 88-1180705) in 2023 with the same address and the same principal officer (Marcel van der Watt). By 2024 the original entity had disappeared from Schedule R entirely.$70M+ in super PACs, deliberately fragmented Meta poured over $70 million into state-level super PACs and structured every one to avoid the FEC's centralized, searchable database:If you maintain software that could be classified as an "operating system provider" under these definitions, start Full dataset, OSINT tasklist, and all processed findings are published with sources embedded in each file: github.com/upper-up/meta-lobbying-and-other-findings

我追踪了 Meta 和年龄验证游说活动的 20 亿美元非营利组织拨款。